Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 58

But if we fail to win the hearts and minds of the Tibetan people, then we have truly lost Tibet. Whose hearts and minds do the Tibetan people hold? Clearly not the nobles and monks, because they don't engage in productive labor. Have you ever seen a slave owner survive after losing his slaves?

Wu Luzhen acknowledged that Lin Xinyi was right, but the thought of letting the British occupy Lhasa made him uneasy. He felt that the option of compromising with the Tibetan nobles and monks to expel the British from Tibet should be prioritized. After all, cooperating with these people would quickly provide them with manpower and supplies, while reorganizing the Tibetan population would take at least a year and a half.

But when he saw Lin Xinyi scribbling on paper with his head down, he stopped himself from speaking. He knew that most of the new army still supported Lin Xinyi's ideas. Especially after a part of the garrison in Tibet joined, those mixed-race Han and Tibetan people didn't really believe in the Dalai Lama, but they were anxious about their families still being under the control of the nobility.

Apart from officers, soldiers could generally marry Chaba and Duqiong. Although Tibetan nobles and temples could not enslave Han soldiers, Tibetan women who married Han soldiers were still required to perform corvée labor. If a Tibetan woman remarried a Tibetan after the death of a Han soldier, her children would also be classified as serfs.

Therefore, although these Han-Tibetan mixed-race children have escaped the fate of serfdom, they cannot change the fate of their mothers and half-siblings. This is the saddest thing for them because they have accepted Han values ​​and do not believe that they should be anyone's slave by birth, nor should their mothers and siblings be.

However, with the Qing Dynasty's power waning, they were powerless to rescue their families. The reason the New Army was able to quickly win over the garrison in Tibet was largely due to Lin Xinyi's promise to change the status of military family members. Otherwise, how could their newly assembled army have so obediently surrounded the Xiazha family's mansion in Lhasa?

From the perspective of these Han-Tibetan soldiers, they were not following Lin Xinyi's orders, but rather using the power of the imperial court to force these noble lords to make concessions on the issue of serfs, and were fighting for the freedom of their families. Without this justifiable cause, these soldiers would not have obeyed orders so readily, for they would have feared that the imperial court would ultimately betray them.

While Wu Luzhen was struggling with the conflict between defending Lhasa and fulfilling his promise to the soldiers, Ma Wencai, a clerk from the yamen, came to report to Lin Xinyi that Yang Juxian and several others had arrived. Lin Xinyi then handed the list in his hand to Wu Luzhen and said, "You and the comrades from the military affairs department take a look at this list. If there are no problems with this appointment list, then we will adjust the army's command and organization according to this list. I need to talk to these Han merchants representatives about the loan and supply of materials first."

Wu Luzhen had no desire to participate in such a conversation. He was quite interested in spending money, but had little interest in fundraising. If he were to negotiate fundraising with the merchants, it would definitely involve force. Only Lin Xinyi seemed to enjoy communicating with these merchants and could get them to willingly part with their money. After overhearing Lin Xinyi's conversation with these merchants once, Wu Luzhen gave up on the idea of ​​negotiating with them; it wasn't his area of ​​expertise.

The men Yang Juxian, Wang Yongfu, Yu Zhao, and Jiang Chao, who were led into the hall by Ma Wencai, were all wealthy businessmen from the mainland with substantial assets in Tibet. They also had considerable connections in the official circles of both the mainland and Tibet. For example, Yang Juxian was not only a guest of honor of the Resident Minister in Tibet, but he could also frequently visit the Dalai Lama.

The Resident Minister's Office in Tibet used to be a hub for these merchants, as their businesses largely relied on government support. They, in turn, provided the Dalai Lama and the Resident Minister with all sorts of novel and interesting items to please these two highest-ranking officials in Tibet. The dramatic changes at the Resident Minister's Office were a seismic shift for these merchants, as their past connections within the office were largely rendered useless; those in charge were no longer their acquaintances, but rather a group of military officers.

Yang Juxian and his group were there to make their fortune in Tibet, and they didn't care about the fate of You Tai and other officials in the yamen. They were only concerned about what the resident minister's yamen would do next and whether it would affect their interests.

However, based on their interactions so far, Yang Juxian felt that these soldiers were relatively easy to deal with. Therefore, upon meeting Lin Xinyi this time, he handed him a bank draft and said, "Lord Lin, after returning home, I discussed it with everyone and we feel that although 3 taels of silver is a considerable sum, for the sake of national affairs, we Yunnan merchants can pool our resources and raise it for now, without needing to trouble others. I just wonder what the next steps are for you, Assistant Commissioner?"

Lin Xinyi put the banknotes aside without even looking at them, and then said to the group, "I can't tell you much about the regulations for the Assistant Secretary right now, but since you are businessmen, let's talk about business matters today."

I had a conversation with Mr. Yang before, and I know that after the Yadong border crossing opened, Indian goods flooded into Tibet, causing a significant slump in the sales of inland goods. Even Japanese fabrics transported from Calcutta to Tibet were much cheaper than homespun cloth from Yunnan and Sichuan. To put it simply, the only goods in Tibet that still have an advantage for inland areas are tea and silk; most other daily necessities have lost their market.

Trade between the mainland and Tibet is not only related to the interests of your merchants, but also serves as a link between the mainland and Tibet from the perspective of the state. Once this link is broken, Tibet and China will lose their common interests. Therefore, we advocate strengthening exchanges between the Han and Tibetan peoples, especially maintaining the tea trade between them.

However, you should also be aware that if the British army forces Lhasa to sign a humiliating treaty, then Darjeeling tea can be continuously supplied to Tibet. Indian tea is much cheaper than Yunnan and Sichuan tea, and in that case, the tea trade will be difficult to sustain.

The merchants all nodded in agreement with Lin Xinyi's assessment. They had already heard Yang Juxian analyze it once before, and hearing Lin Xinyi repeat it now only strengthened their belief. If these merchants had previously been somewhat naive, thinking that the British invasion of Tibet had nothing to do with them, they had still provided the Dalai Lama with military funding in an effort to curry favor with him.

Now they began to realize the consequences if the British army actually forced Lhasa to surrender. Soon, the group started talking all at once about the various losses that Han merchants had suffered in Tibet since the opening of the Yadong border crossing.

After listening to the merchants recount their commercial losses, Lin Xinyi continued, "Even if we repel the British army this time, it won't change the fact that traveling from Calcutta to Lhasa is still more convenient and faster. Therefore, clinging to past commercial traditions is definitely not a viable strategy..."

Chapter 199 Game

When Zhang Yintang returned from Norbulingka, it was almost afternoon. At this time, Lin Xinyi was instructing several constables from the former yamen to monitor the activities on the street, with each person responsible for a certain area, and to record the rumors every day and send them to the office.

After the constables left, Zhang Yintang coughed a few times, which caught Lin Xinyi's attention. Lin Xinyi then asked him, "Isn't it a bit excessive to have people monitor the three major monasteries and the Kalon family, and even Norbulingka? We are the Tibet Government Office, not the Embroidered Uniform Guard."

As Lin Xinyi tidied the documents on the table, he nodded in response, "Of course we are not the Embroidered Uniform Guard, because the Embroidered Uniform Guard works for the Emperor, and they won't lose their heads if they don't do a good job. But if we don't figure out what the nobles and monks are talking about, then we really could lose our heads. Although the Tibetan commoners are honest and simple, the Tibetan upper class is no less cunning and scheming than the officials in the mainland."

I did a little research and found that before the 13th Dalai Lama, four consecutive Dalai Lamas didn't live to the age of 20 to assume power. The 13th Dalai Lama's ability to live to that age and even oust the regent shows he's quite capable. If these Tibetan nobles and monks are plotting something behind the scenes, we could really suffer a great loss. Therefore, we must keep a close watch on them.”

Zhang Yintang, who was initially displeased with Lin Xinyi's dispatch of spies, recalled his conversation with the Dalai Lama earlier that day upon hearing this. He sighed and said, "What you said is actually quite true. The 13th Dalai Lama is indeed not a simple person. He does have ideas about promoting reforms in Tibet, but he is more worried that the court will use this opportunity to seize control of Tibet. That's why he repeatedly tested me today."

Lin Xinyi looked at him calmly and said, "So what did Lord Zhang say?"

After a moment of silence, Zhang Yintang said, “Following your suggestion, I stated that the court only wanted to maintain the stability of the political situation in Tibet and maintain the central government’s subordinate relationship with the local government, and did not want to make any major changes to Tibet. Only then did the Dalai Lama agree to the idea of ​​making some changes to the political situation in Tibet. Obviously, what he wanted was for the court to support him in taking power from the nobles and temples, so as to truly unify the power in Tibet in his own hands.”

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "Currently, Tsang is under the administration of the Panchen Lama and the Chan Chan Monastery, whose population accounts for about one-tenth of Tibet's total population. Damxung and the Thirty-Nine Tribes are directly administered by the Resident Minister in Tibet. Bomi and Sakya are in a semi-independent state. In addition, the monasteries and noble estates are independent. The Dalai Lama is only the nominal ruler of Tibet. The unnatural deaths of the previous four Dalai Lamas have greatly reduced the Dalai Lama's power. If the 13th Dalai Lama does not want to regain these powers, he is not the kind of Dalai Lama who can defeat the regent."

Zhang Yintang said with some concern, "The Dalai Lama is also ambitious. It is said that he has confidants who have contact with the Russians. If we support his right to unify Tibet, will we end up shooting ourselves in the foot?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "Actually, we are not supporting the Dalai Lama, but the progressive forces in Tibet. Compared with the Dalai Lama, those nobles and monks who reject Tibet's progress are obviously more reactionary. As long as the central government always stands with the progressive forces in Tibet, I think we don't need to worry about the Dalai Lama. Only when the court starts to reject Tibet's progress and tries to immerse the region in a stable religious belief will the Dalai Lama be the real problem."

Zhang Yintang carefully considered the meaning of Lin Xinyi's words, but still didn't quite understand them. However, he did agree with the view that the Dalai Lama was stronger than those stubborn reactionaries. Therefore, he turned the topic back to the most pressing issue, "So where do you think we should propose reforms? The Dalai Lama's idea is that the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister's Office, the Kashag government, and the three major monasteries should discuss and reach a conclusion, and not go through any more Chundu Conferences. Otherwise, when the British army arrives at the gates of Lhasa, we won't be able to finish this meeting."

Lin Xinyi disagreed, saying, "If the British army can't finish the meeting by the time they reach Lhasa, we can move it to another place. As long as the Tibetan people support us, what difference does it really make whether we are inside or outside Lhasa? At most, the British army will only occupy Lhasa; they can't move Lhasa away."

Therefore, I don't think narrowing the scope of meetings is a good thing. Isn't reform about changing the interests of those at the top, making them distribute those interests to those at the bottom? If we let those at the top make the choices themselves, they will definitely try to give nothing away and instead try to take something back from those at the bottom. Such reform will not only be useless, but will also disappoint the people.

Hearing this, Zhang Yintang suddenly thought of the new policies that the imperial court was promoting, but he quickly banished the thought from his mind. The mainland and Tibet were ultimately different. While calming himself down, he said to Lin Xinyi, "So you mean to continue letting the people's representatives speak on the current scale?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, “I think we should not only maintain the representation of the people, but also invite the young monks to send representatives to the meeting. Tibet is a theocratic state, and it is obvious that we cannot maintain the results of reform by only carrying out secular changes. If we are to change, we must also change the rules of the temples. Monks account for a quarter of the total population of Tibet, and we cannot exclude this part of the population from society.”

After repeated discussions with Lin Xinyi, Zhang Yintang ultimately decided to adopt his suggestion. For the Kashag government, the Dalai Lama, Zhongzijie, and the three major monasteries, the suggestion from the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office in Tibet was indeed a rather troublesome issue.

However, at this point, the suggestions from the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office in Tibet could no longer be easily dismissed or delayed, as the citizens of Lhasa were also paying close attention to the upcoming Chundu Assembly. Initially, the purpose of the Chundu Assembly was merely to rebuild the Tibetan army, but this issue did not actually attract much attention, because everyone was concerned about how to resist the British army. As for rebuilding the Tibetan army, that was the responsibility of the government and had little to do with the common people.

However, as the Chundu Assembly began discussing the heavy burden of corvée labor and the corruption of Tibetan officials and monks, the various social classes, including the Chapa, Duchung, and Langsheng, all took notice of the discussions. At this point, the Kashag government, Zhongzijie, and the three major monasteries would certainly not take the lead in defying the proclamation issued by the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet, as this would only allow the Resident Minister's Office to shift the blame for not being able to send troops onto them.

As for the Dalai Lama, although the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office was unwilling to listen to his advice, it did not do him any harm. His rule was still in its early stages, and the people were unlikely to turn against him. For him, such a grand assembly would only further consolidate his power as the ruler of Tibet. The only drawback was that the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office would siphon off some of the people's loyalty, since Manjushri Bodhisattva held a very special place in the hearts of the Tibetan people.

The Kashag government only delayed for two days. On July 22, the Karola defense line sent another letter requesting reinforcements. The garrison commander bluntly told Lhasa that although they still had more than a thousand men, most of them were newly conscripted laborers, some of whom had never even touched a musket. Furthermore, the army lacked firearms and gunpowder. If there were no reinforcements, they would probably not be able to hold out if the British attacked.

The Tibetan government was unaware that by the time the letter reached them, the British vanguard had already launched an attack on the Karola Pass. While the Tibetan army had the courage to hold out during the previous British attack due to the smaller number of British troops and the fact that Gyantse had not yet fallen, this time, seeing the large British force approaching, the new recruits remembered the British's history of burning, killing, and looting. Finally, some succumbed to fear and fled, leading to the collapse of the entire defensive line.

The British army thus opened the passage with only a small vanguard, which greatly excited the British commanders, who increasingly felt that the rest of the journey was just an armed parade. The British began searching villages, manors and temples near the road to increase their spoils.

The officials of the Kashag and the Dalai Lama could no longer afford to argue with the Qing Dynasty's Resident Commissioner's Office. The Dalai Lama was now more worried that the Resident Commissioner's Office might use this as an excuse to abandon Lhasa and leave him to the British. Judging from this Chundu Assembly, the Tibetan people's reverence for Manjushri was no less than their worship of him and the Panchen Lamas, which meant that even without him, the Resident Commissioner's Office could still organize the Tibetan people to resist the British army.

If he were to fall into the hands of the British army, the Qing official in Tibet could find an excuse to depose him. In that case, no one could stop the Qing official from doing whatever he wanted in Tibet.

On the evening of the 22nd, the Dalai Lama finally issued an edict, ordering the Kashag and the three major monasteries to accept the request of the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister in Tibet to increase the number of young monks representing Tibet in order to discuss current affairs concerning the changes in Tibet. On the morning of the 23rd, officials from the Kashag and representatives from the three major monasteries came to the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister's office to meet with Zhang Yintang. They came for two matters: the handling of the Shaza family and the issue of representatives to the Chundu Conference.

As instructed by the Dalai Lama, the Shaza family will withdraw from the Kashag government, be banned from entering Lhasa for five years, and be confiscated an estate. Upon hearing this decision, Lin Xinyi immediately interjected, "Who owns this estate? I believe it should be used for almsgiving to disabled people in Lhasa under the supervision of the Qing Dynasty's resident minister in Tibet. Otherwise, how can it be considered atonement?"

Although the Kashag officials were reluctant to hand over the estate, under Zhang Yintang's watchful eye, they ultimately indicated they could return to consult the Dalai Lama. However, Lin Xinyi immediately objected, saying, "Aren't the Kalons working under the leadership of the Resident Minister in Tibet? Now that the Resident Minister's office has issued instructions, we still need to consult the Dalai Lama. Isn't this deliberately creating conflict between the Resident Minister and the Dalai Lama? The Kashag government can refuse or accept; there's no need to involve the Dalai Lama."

Seeing this, Kalon Tsering Wangchuk Gyalpo, who was leading the group, immediately changed his tune, saying, "I don't think this change goes against His Holiness's instructions, so let's do it this way. Now, let's talk about the conference delegates first..."

Lin Xinyi listened and learned that the Kashag officials and the three major monasteries meant that they would directly appoint learned monks as representatives to participate, as the younger monks did not have enough Buddhist knowledge and were probably not qualified to serve as representatives.

He then countered with the question: "How can we know the difference in the quality of their Buddhist teachings?"

One of the lamas replied, "You can check their academic qualifications."

Lin Xinyi then asked, "What degree did Shakyamuni Buddha hold?"

Everyone fell silent. Lin Xinyi then asked, "Does Buddha-nature create knowledge, or does knowledge create Buddha-nature?"

Ganden Tripa Mosha Losang Gyatso gave Lin Xinyi a deep look and then replied, "Naturally, it is Buddha-nature that creates knowledge, but mortals can only seek Buddha-nature through knowledge."

Lin Xinyi countered, "I think it's not about finding Buddha-nature in knowledge, but about discovering Buddha-nature within oneself. So, it is Buddha-nature that creates knowledge. If we find Buddha-nature, which people don't have, in knowledge, it means that Buddha-nature is created. Since everyone has Buddha-nature, then naturally everyone can be a representative."

Chapter 200 Military and Political Committee

Ganden Tripa Mosha Losang Gyatso could certainly have continued debating with Lin Xinyi about the creation of knowledge based on Buddhist teachings, given that Ganden Monastery was the most learned monastery in Tibet. However, he was not a bookworm, so he forcibly refrained from engaging in a debate on this topic.

He couldn't allow the other side to turn this topic into a real issue, as that would lead to another genuine debate among monks, inevitably causing division among the monasteries in Tibet. If the Qing government further fueled this division, it would become a repeat of Gushi Khan's conquest of Tibet. True debates are never mere verbal arguments, but rather contests of swords and spears; no one understood this better than these high-ranking monks.

Seeing that Ganden Tripa had stopped talking, Lin Xinyi was also a little disappointed. After all, he was not a monk and therefore could not provoke a religious debate. But if Ganden Tripa had escalated the issue to a debate, then there would have been much more room for maneuver. The debate between monks would then be a matter of choosing sides. Using lamas to kill lamas is a Tibetan tradition, and Tibetans are quite accepting of this kind of religious war.

In fact, the best way to deal with religious consciousness is not to kill a few lamas, but to directly create ideological divisions and eliminate religious consensus. This is the best way to eliminate religion. Therefore, heretics are always more hateful than heretics.

However, since the monks and officials were not taking the bait, Lin Xinyi had no choice but to stop. Thus, this meeting ended almost entirely as a victory for the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office. On the 23rd and 24th, a group of young monks were selected from the various colleges of the three major monasteries in Lhasa, and the Spring Capital Assembly, which had been interrupted, resumed on the 25th.

After the conference resumed, the delegates became much more respectful towards the Resident Minister in Tibet. The fate of the Xiazha family made the nobles of Lhasa realize that the court still had considerable power to deal with any of their families. They could no longer hide behind the Kashag and monastery system and attack the Resident Minister in Tibet with impunity, which naturally made them much quieter.

Initially, the senior monks representing the three major monasteries hoped that these young monks would support the monasteries' position. However, things started to go wrong after the Qing government proposed that each monastery should first disclose its income and expenditure to prove that it no longer had the resources to contribute money and effort to defend Lhasa.

Although entering a temple and becoming a monk meant having a path to upward social mobility, this path was practically nonexistent. Most monks in temples were essentially doing menial tasks. Even if they managed to get into the group of monks studying scriptures, it was extremely difficult for monks from the poor and lowly classes to rise above their station. This was because those above the rank of "chapa" (a lower-ranking monk) could study scriptures undisturbed from a young age, while monks from these classes had to participate in labor from childhood. It was common for children from poor and lowly families to start collecting cow dung at the age of four.

One monk began systematically studying scriptures in his teens or twenties, while the other began at six or seven. Both had to take the same exams, so naturally the latter had an advantage. Moreover, some monks of noble birth were destined from the start to serve as officials in the Kashag (monastic government). Their entry into the monastery was merely a formality. Their lives were already arranged, and these were not opportunities that poor monks could simply seize by obtaining a degree.

It was unrealistic for the senior monks of the three major monasteries to expect these oppressed young monks to speak on their side. While some young monks were opportunistic, hoping to curry favor with the monastery leadership for a better future, many more hoped to reform the monasteries' unreasonable systems so that their fellow monks could live a slightly more humane life.

For example, high-ranking monks not only had their own residences outside the temple, but also hired seventy or eighty servants to attend to them. Some even violated the precepts by secretly marrying. However, lower-ranking monks, at their worst, could only eat one meal every two days. Because of this cruel oppression, there were several Kangcun riots, which occurred in Kangcun, the monks' dormitory area.

Taking advantage of the requirement by the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office to require monasteries to disclose their financial expenditures, some young monks seized the opportunity to propose restoring the self-determination rights of Kangcun over their respective Chaxu. Each Kangcun typically elected its own financial official to manage its territory, lending, and financial affairs; this official was called a Chaxu. The Chaxu were usually responsible for their own Kangcun. However, during a Kangcun rebellion, the Kangcun's right to self-determination over their Chaxu was stripped by the Kashag (Tibetan government).

Just as the serfs hoped for reform of the government, the lower-class monks also hoped for change in the temples. The Chundu Assembly quickly turned into a denunciation of the government and the temples. The Kashag and the three major monasteries became a complete minority at the assembly. Faced with this overwhelming public opinion, they were both hateful and afraid. However, the Qing Dynasty's resident minister's office publicized the results of the daily assembly discussions in the streets and alleys of Lhasa. This not only further established the Qing Dynasty's authority but also damaged the reputation of the Kashag and the three major monasteries among the people.

On the 26th, news of the fall of the Karola Pass reached Lhasa, further exacerbating public discontent with the Kashag officials. As calls for reform of the Kashag government grew louder, the Dalai Lama could no longer remain silent. He stated that he would attend the Chundu Conference on the 27th to personally hear the public's demands for reform of the Kashag government.

From the 27th to the 28th, representatives of the people presented the Dalai Lama with over a hundred requests for reforms with great enthusiasm. Watching this scene, Zhang Yintang couldn't help but say to Lin Xinyi, "He certainly found the perfect moment to appear, taking all the public's enthusiasm for himself. Is it really okay for us to do this?"

Looking at the somber faces of the monks and officials surrounding the Dalai Lama, Lin Xinyi replied indifferently, "Buddha can cut off his own flesh to feed tigers, but when have we ever heard of Buddha killing tigers to protect his followers? Because without tigers, there would be no followers. No matter what promises he makes to the people, they will ultimately become empty words, because even Tibetans know that a saw cannot cut wood. We just need to let the people see clearly time and time again that the Dalai Lama cannot save them."

On the evening of the 28th, the Dalai Lama, the four Kalons, and representatives of the Qing Dynasty's Resident Mission in Tibet met and once again requested that troops be sent to resist the British army. Zhang Yintang immediately replied, "We have always advocated rebuilding the army to resist the British army. Isn't the purpose of convening the Chundu Conference to solve the problems of manpower and resources for rebuilding the army?"

Kalon Yuthopa Puntsok Palden immediately said, "After these days of continuous negotiations between the Kashag and the three great monasteries, we believe that rebuilding the army is necessary. We agree with the suggestion of the Qing Dynasty's Resident Minister in Tibet to collect weapons from nobles and monasteries, and to conscript private soldiers and monks. We have also prepared 100,000 taels of Tibetan silver in supplies as preparations for the army's attack..."

Tonight, the cooperation between the Kashag officials and the three major monasteries made it impossible for Zhang Yintang to delay sending troops any longer. He then made the following request: "At present, simply sending troops to resist the British army is probably not enough to drive them back, because the places the British army has passed through have lost social order. The Han soldiers are unfamiliar with the area and it will be difficult for them to continue fighting."

Therefore, I believe a military and political committee should be established to unify the management of all armed forces and civilians within the war zone. The Kashag (government council) can send representatives to the committee, but it has no right to interfere with the committee's decisions. Only with unified authority can we have a chance to repel the British army; otherwise, with our current meager forces and outdated equipment, coupled with the loss of terrain and popular support, we are doomed to lose this battle without even fighting.

Upon hearing this, Yuthopa Puntsok Palden glanced at his colleagues, then at the Dalai Lama seated at the head of the table, and decisively nodded, saying, "The Kashag has no objection, as long as the British can be driven out of Tibet..."

The Kalons were well aware that if they continued to resist the Qing Dynasty's Resident Commissioner's Office, the outcome of the Chundu Conference would become even more unpredictable. Once the British troops reached the vicinity of Lhasa, the Resident Commissioner's Office might abolish the Kashag and take charge of the overall situation in Tibet, which would be a real disaster for the Kashag.

Zhang Yintang also understood what these Tibetan nobles were thinking. The reason why the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet was so prestigious was because the Tibetans regarded it as their last hope for protecting Lhasa. Once the Han soldiers and the British army were defeated in battle, this high prestige would be shattered, and the Kashag would be able to return to its rightful place.

He pondered for a moment, then turned to the Dalai Lama and asked, "What is Rinpoche's opinion?"

The Dalai Lama was actually hesitant about establishing a military and political council, because this institution clearly deviated from the existing system in Tibet. However, he knew that if he wanted to lead reforms in Tibet, he had to demonstrate his loyalty to the Qing court to the Resident Minister in Tibet. Otherwise, how could the Resident Minister possibly support his efforts to centralize power?

After careful consideration, the Dalai Lama nodded to Zhang Yintang and said, "As long as the British troops are prevented from approaching Lhasa and forced to withdraw from Tibet, I will naturally support any decision made by Lord Zhang..."

Zhang Yintang then took charge of the military and political committee as an assistant minister and added Wu Luzhen and Lin Xinyi to the list. After discussions between the Dalai Lama and the Kalons, it was decided to add Kalons Yutsopa Puntsok Palden, Tsering Wangchuk Gyaltsen, and Jampa Tenzin, and to use the seal of the Resident Minister's Office in Tibet as the seal of the military and political committee. The Kashag government will notify all the dzongs in the war zone of this order.

On the 29th, Wu Luzhen led the first and third companies to Qushui to take over the defense line. Qushui, known in Tibetan as "Jimei" in ancient times, means "the land where rivers converge". Since ancient times, it has been a transportation hub connecting Lhasa with Shannan, Nyingchi and Shigatse regions. It is only 65 kilometers away from Lhasa. Once you cross here, it is equivalent to arriving in Lhasa.

Late on the 29th, Wu Luzhen's troops arrived in Qushui. The benefits of the developed animal husbandry in the Tibetan region became apparent, as both companies received a large number of horses and mules, enabling them to reach their destination within a day. The only Tibetan garrison stationed in Qushui was Ruben, whose morale had already plummeted after hearing news of the continuous fall of villages ahead.

Upon seeing the arrival of Wu Luzhen's troops, the Tibetan army, including Ruben, breathed a sigh of relief. They didn't even bother to check the seals of office before handing over their territory and accepting Wu Luzhen's leadership. Like other parts of Tibet, every town had a monastery, and the lord of Qushui was actually the Qukuo Yangze Monastery.

The temple was quite welcoming to the arrival of the Han soldiers, not only providing them with a courtyard to encamp, but also supplying them with food and dyes. The monks were only concerned with one thing: whether Wu Luzhen could withstand the British army's attack.

Wu Luzhen replied decisively, "As long as the monks and laypeople of Qushui obey my orders, the British army will not be able to pass through Qushui unless they all die here..."

Chapter 201 Daga Ferry Crossing

On the morning of July 30th, Captain Aotelai led the 7th Cavalry Company to the Nyangsuo ferry crossing. Looking at the mighty Yarlung Tsangpo River, he couldn't help but say to the officers around him, "The colonel is right, this is the last hurdle to getting to Lhasa. It is said that from June to October, the river will expand to more than a mile due to the melting snow on the mountains."

Lieutenant Albert, search downstream and see if there are any boats or anything along the bank. Lieutenant Harry, search upstream, but don't go more than 10 miles. Lieutenant Oliver, go to the villages around here and ask if anyone knows of any other ways to cross the river. Whether you find any clues or not, give me a report by noon…”

When the British army appeared on the south bank of the Yarlung Tsangpo River, Wu Luzhen was also on his way to the Daga ferry crossing, guided by the local Tibetan army. This was the most important passage from Lhasa to Shigatse and Shannan. Due to the wide valley terrain, only this section of the river was relatively flat and suitable for boat crossing. The east and west sides were mountainous terrain, making it difficult not only to cross the river but also to even approach the river.

Upon arriving at Daga Village at the Daga ferry crossing, Wu Luzhen discovered that there was still an iron chain bridge there. The Tibetan soldier leading the way, Ruben, explained, “400 years ago, the Tangdong Gyalpo Living Buddha built the last iron chain bridge here, and was thus bestowed the title of Iron Chain Bridge Living Buddha. This Daga Manor belongs to the Living Buddha. However, this iron chain bridge is no longer usable. Now, people rely on horse-drawn boats and yak-hide boats to cross the river. Yak-hide boats are used during the high water months (May to September in the Tibetan calendar), and horse-drawn boats are used at other times.”

Upon hearing this, Wu Luzhen immediately asked, "Then where are the ships now?"

The Tibetan soldier blinked and thought for a while before saying, "I did give orders to Daga Manor before, asking them to move the boats to the north bank, but I need to ask the manor steward here where exactly to put them."

Upon hearing this, Wu Luzhen instructed Ruben to summon the manor's steward to the ferry. When the steward arrived, he said he needed to call Chaba over to inquire, leaving Wu Luzhen somewhat speechless. While the steward was fetching Chaba, Wu Luzhen took the opportunity to learn a little about the ferry's management.

As a vital transportation route between the central and western parts of Tibet, the Kashag (Tibetan government) mandated that the Daga Manor employ boatmen, with each of the 40 households contributing one boatman. When the water was low, four people rowed and one steered; when the water was high, eight people rowed and one steered. Ten boatmen worked daily, but all were mobilized when the Dalai Lama, Panchen Lama, or Chanchen Lama crossed the river.

Officials, nobles, government officials, and Tibetan soldiers, carrying the government's horse pass, could cross the river during the day and be ferried across at night without paying a penny, and were even treated well. Ordinary people, merchants, and travelers, however, had to pay for the ferry. The fare was one qian of Tibetan silver per person, three qian per donkey, and five qian per mule. The daily fare was divided into four parts: three were given to the Iron Chain Bridge Monastery as offerings, and one part was divided equally among the boatmen—this was the livelihood the boatmen could sustain.

Soon, five or six constables were summoned to the ferry. When questioned by the steward, an older constable bowed and said in a fearful manner, "The cowhide boats have all been gathered on the north bank, but because the river has been rising so high these past few days, two horse-headed wooden boats have not yet crossed. We were planning to cross the river today to bring the wooden boats over."

Before Wu Luzhen could speak, the steward of Daga Manor had already drawn his whip and was cursing as he lashed out at Chaba. However, Zhang Wu, who was acting as Wu Luzhen's translator, grabbed the steward's hand, snatched the whip, threw it on the ground, and scolded him, "Just speak! Why are you hitting people?"

The steward looked at Zhang Wu with some surprise and uncertainty. Wu Luzhen also came to his senses and said, "I want to hear the truth, not for you to show off in front of me. Go stand aside and don't interfere with my questioning."

Zhang Wu, who snatched the whip from the steward, was actually a little scared after scolding him. He snatched the whip because he often saw his mother being whipped when he was a child, so he couldn't stand others wielding whips in front of him. However, he could only endure it before. It wasn't until Lin Wenshu arrived that he realized he could resist.

Although he was locked up for a night on his first meeting with Lin Wenshu, he deeply respected Lin Wenshu because Lin Wenshu was willing to speak up for people like them from the lower classes and even led them to help each other. Although he had only been with Lin Wenshu for a few days, Zhang Wu could no longer tolerate the injustices. He felt secure with Lin Wenshu, but with this Battalion Commander Wu, he wasn't sure if his actions were appropriate.

Only after Wu Luzhen also stepped forward to affirm his actions did Zhang Wu feel at ease. The steward was dissatisfied with Zhang Wu's actions because the other party was from the lower middle class, while he was from the middle middle class; in principle, he could even have lashed out at Zhang Wu with a whip. However, when Wu Luzhen also spoke up, he had to step aside, because those who could become military officers were at least from the upper middle class, and those above this rank were either lower or upper-middle class—this was the esteemed master.

Just as Wu Luzhen was about to ask where the ship was on the other side and whether they could just destroy it, the sentry observing the opposite bank ran up to him and said, "Battalion Commander, there's something on the other side. It seems to be British cavalry."

Wu Luzhen interrupted his questioning, picked up his binoculars and looked towards the opposite bank. Soon he spotted British cavalry on horseback on the upstream slope of the opposite bank. Some were wearing peaked caps, while others were Sikhs with their heads wrapped. According to the information Lin Xinyi had collected earlier, these were indeed the attire of the British troops entering Tibet.

Wu Luzhen sighed inwardly, knowing that the opposing ship was unlikely to be destroyed. He turned and called over several constables, asking, "What is the size of the horse-headed boat?"

A young chaba immediately pointed to a riverbank downstream and said, “It’s over there, sir. You can go and take a look. It can ferry about 32 mules or 100 people at a time.”

Wu Luzhen immediately led the others to take a look. The square-shaped ferry was quite different from the boats on the mainland, and it didn't look like it would be easy to row. The bottom of the boat was flat, which made it more comfortable for passengers. He then asked the constables, "How big is the cowhide boat?"

Several chapas gestured, explaining that the boat was about half the size of a horse-head boat and could only carry 12 mules and horses at a time. A young chapa also tried his best to describe the difference between the two types of boats: "The horse-head boat is heavy and can be rowed directly to the village of Qina on the other side. The cowhide boat is light and will drift on the river, so it needs to be pulled to the Niangsuo ferry crossing upstream on the other side and rowed this way to get off at the Daga ferry crossing."

Upon hearing this, Wu Luzhen's heart stirred, and he asked the young clerk, "If we were using a horse-drawn boat, would we be crossing the river straight across, or would we drift downstream?"

The young Chapa gestured, indicating that from the Nyaungsok ferry crossing, one would land about fifty or sixty paces upstream from the Daga ferry crossing. Just as Wu Luzhen was observing the direction indicated by the young Chapa, the sentry observing the opposite bank reported to him again that the British troops on the other side seemed to have found the wooden boat on the shore.

Wu Luzhen suddenly had an idea. He summoned the Tibetan soldier Ruben and ordered him, "Call all your men over, and also bring in the villagers here. Build fortifications at the ferry crossing and make a big show of it."

Tsering Palden Ruben replied somewhat confusedly, “If we’re going to build fortifications, shouldn’t we go a little further up? I heard what the boatman said earlier; if they really were going to cross by boat, they should go about fifty or sixty steps up.”

Wu Luzhen waved his hand and said, "No, I need to confirm where they land. If you build fortifications over there, they can land downstream. If you build fortifications here, they will definitely try their best to land upstream. Understand? I just need you to lure them over; I don't need you to actually block them here..."

Tsering Banden Ruben went to summon his men with some skepticism. Although he should have 250 soldiers under his command, as the news from the front lines became increasingly worse, only about 150 soldiers had deserted. This time, he only brought about 50 of the braver soldiers with him to come with the Han Chinese. The rest were left in Qushui Town to manage the logistics for the Han Chinese soldiers.

However, the fifty-odd Tibetan soldiers, plus the thirty-odd villagers who were called out to work, looked quite impressive. Even without binoculars, one could vaguely see a group of people gathered around the ferry crossing.

Meanwhile, Wu Luzhen called Chen Jingcun over. The two surveyed the terrain on the north bank and decided to establish a concentric defensive line behind a gentle slope, in a grove of trees and a village, facing the possible landing site. Wu Luzhen said to Chen Jingcun, "The British shouldn't know we're here, so they shouldn't expect to encounter an attack from the new rifles. I'll hang a flag on this tree; when it falls, it will be the signal for the operation..."

Captain Otley, standing on the south bank, did indeed see the Tibetans' movements near the iron chain bridge on the north bank. When Lieutenant Albert towed the two square ferries to the upstream Niangsuo ferry crossing, he also learned from the villagers that there should be more than 200 Tibetan soldiers stationed on the other side. As for whether there were any new reinforcements from Lhasa, the villagers said they had not heard of any.